A guide to Westminster

Legislation stems from an extensive process of inspiration, deliberation and reformation before it arrives on the statute book. Understanding how this process develops and where and when to feed into it forms a crucial part of making politics and government work for you.

Scrutiny 

Parliament has a key role to play in scrutinising the Executive, and the role it plays in regulating public and private sections of the economy and society. The range of scrutinising options available to MPs is extensive. From select committee inquiries to major ministerial statements in the chamber, through the detailed analysis of bills in standing committees to local issues dealt with by adjournment, without doubt, the most popular and bloodthirsty is Prime Minister’s questions (PMQ).  

Prime Minister’s questions  

Whilst limited as an information gathering exercise, increasingly geared instead towards a ritualistic assault on the Prime Minister (or if the PM is performing well, the Leader of the Opposition), it is guaranteed to have most of the House and, importantly, the press pack in attendance. For half an hour every Wednesday the whole of Westminster and Whitehall is focused on the immediate vicinity of the dispatch box. In the instance of an MP catching the Speaker’s eye, this can be a key moment for drawing the attention of colleagues and journalists to an issue, particularly if the PM is on the ropes and needs to be seen to be giving something.    

Parliamentary questions  

More useful as part of the policy making process are the departmental PQs. Since, unlike PMQs, these questions must be tabled three days in advance, ministers come prepared to provide. Almost. A well orchestrated campaign here, with a range of Members briefed for supplementaries can raise a deal of information, interest, and hopefully, commitment.  

Debate

Of course most of Parliament’s time is taken with debate. A provisional timetable for business in the chamber will be issued by the Leader of the House up to two weeks in advance. As previously noted, Members have limited secretarial and research support. They will generally be receptive, therefore, for good quality information on which they can draw for a valid contribution.

Select committees

Since 1979 departmental select committees have carried out a key component of Parliament’s scrutiny function. Select committees are responsible for scrutinising the work of individual departments and any related public bodies. They will go about this by selecting a topic of inquiry and issuing calls for evidence from interested parties, often appointing experts to advise the chair. The committee will go through an evidence-gathering period, taking expert advice and sifting through submissions. This will be followed by a period of oral evidence sessions. Select committees may compel anyone not a member of either House to attend. Any request to see a minister will usually be acquiesced to.

Oral evidence sessions form a very useful opportunity for organisations to feed directly into the political process and to provide a platform for them to express how government policy affects their sector. Select committees will publish a report at the close of an inquiry to which the Government is obliged to respond; therefore a positive contribution to an inquiry is guaranteed consideration. Institutions and individuals should therefore strive to remain aware of the work of any committee that may impinge on their sphere of experience or expertise.

With the introduction of the new Westminster Hall sittings more time is available for the debate of select committee reports increasing the potential for raising the profile of inquiries.

The Lords

The final stage of scrutiny is taken up by the House of Lords. Approximately 38% of the time on the floor of this House is taken up with monitoring and scrutinising the activities of the Executive. This may be in the form of debates, questions or statements. However, since 1992 a significant proportion of the Lords’ scrutinising function is taken up outside the chamber by the Delegated Powers Scrutiny Committee. This committee examines legislation before it passes through parliament to determine whether secondary legislation proposed to be delegated at a future date is consistent with powers appropriate to the Executive.

The Media

The fourth estate may be seen as the last, or in some cases the first, check on the Executive. The media’s refusal to let go of the “sleaze” tag that attached itself to some sections of the Conservative Party in the last Parliament played a major part in the eventual wave of disgust at the ruling party and general desire for change. We repeatedly see the media latch onto a story of bad government and corruption which forces the Executive to make some public noises towards change. The refusal to accept the validity of internal reviews and the public requirement for any inquiry to establish its independence may be tracked back to our media-stoked suspicion of institutional dishonesty.

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